Zvonko Busic – “take care of our homeland Croatia”

Zvonko Busic/ Photo: Screenshot

Freedom-fighting, whether personal or for people as a nation, as an ethnic group …, has to my convictions always been the noblest of pursuits a person can follow and act upon in life. Only the bravest take the fight to the most revered and yet most difficult of levels. During the past week I came across an article on the late Zvonko Busic whose name has been known the many households across the world. He and his associates did everything they could, at their personal peril, in the circumstances of inaccessibility to mainstream media during the 1970’s to make known to the world of the horrors Croats in Croatia were living under the boot of the communist Yugoslavia regime. I have translated this article into English for you from Narod.hr portal and trust it will enlighten you further about the long-standing, exhausting, painful Croatian plight for freedom.   Ina Vukic

On this day (Janury 23) in 1946, in Gorica (Herzegovina), one of the greatest fighters for the freedom of the Croatian people during 1970’s onwards, prisoner and martyr Zvonko Busic-Taik, was born. He dedicated his whole life to that struggle, which is why he spent 32 years in prison.

Zvonko Busic considered former Yugoslavia to be a country that keeps Croats in the double chains of death – communism and Greater Serbia. (As facts of history would have it, so did 93.24% of Croatian voters at the Independence Referendum of May 1991.)

On September 10, 1976, a group of Croatian patriots, consisting of Zvonko and Julienne Busic, Petar Matanic, Frane Pesut and Slobodan Vlasic, hijacked a passenger plane (TWA) Boeing 727. The intention of this group of Croatian dissidents was to drop leaflets over London and Paris from the plane. The leaflets were titled “Call to fight against Serbian hegemony”. The world had to be informed about the horrors that was occurring in Yugoslavia for over 30 years.

The group didn’t have any weapons on the plane, and one bomb was left in a subway station locker in New York (Grand Central Terminal). Informational material describing the terrible state of human and national rights of Croats in Yugoslavia was also left there as well as about persecution and numerous murders of political and other opponents of the Yugoslav regime. The purpose of this was to make this news appear on the front pages of the world’s largest media. Indeed, that did happen. At last the numerous murders, tortures, surveillance and persecution of every Croatian, anti-communist thought or consciousness in the sinister dungeon of nations – Yugoslavia – were finally revealed to the world.

However, during the attempt to defuse that bomb (in New York), American police officer Brian Murray was killed.

“Their action of hijacking the plane had only one goal, and that is to show the world the truth about the situation in Yugoslavia. The terror being perpetrated against Croats, including the murders of about a hundred political emigrants. The hijacking of the plane was intended to get the Declaration that speaks of the Croatian truth published in all major world newspapers. It was no terrorism,” Tihomir Dujmovic said, adding that no weapons were used in the kidnapping. Kidnapped passengers appeared in the courtroom as witnesses in favour of Zvonko and Julienne, which is the first and only such case. “During the kidnapping, they explained the Croatian story to the passengers, assured them that everything would be fine and that it was not terrorism. The idea was to drop leaflets from planes over New York, Chicago, Paris and London. That happened and it was a great defeat for Yugoslavia. The plan was to drop leaflets over Zagreb and Split. However, then the Yugoslav leadership headed by Tito said that if the plane entered Yugoslav airspace, they would shoot it down. That’s why that plane landed in Paris. Zvonko then received information that the media had published their Declaration on Croatia’s position. Then the kidnapping stopped immediately.

From left to right: Zvonko Busic, Marko Vlasic, Petar Matanic, Frane Pesut and Julienne Busic after arrest at Paris Airport. There are detectives behind them. Photo: The New York Times, September 13, 1976. | Photo: New York Times/archive

Zvonko Busic had no intention of killing anyone, and we know that the intention of terrorists is primarily to kill. There is no idea of murder here. Busic explained to the New York police three times what was in the improvised explosive device (and how to detonate it safely). Interestingly, the pressure-cooker pot with the device fell on the floor several times and did not explode because it was not even designed to explode. The police removed that device from the locker and took it to a detonation site 35 kilometres away. Four hours later, after everything (the police went about dismantling the device rather than detonating it), there was an explosion under conditions that are completely inexplicable. It turned out that the procedure was violated, that there was no protective clothing. That unfortunate policeman died unfortunately by accident because he went there uninvited. Zvonko carried him in his soul all his life, and later he founded a foundation for the education of his children. Everything he received from Croatian immigrants he passed on to that Foundation,” said Tihomir Dujmovic, the author of the book “Who Killed Zvonko Busic”, during the presentation of the book.

In the verdict, the judge emphasises: Busic is not a terrorist and a criminal.

When pronouncing the verdict on Zvonko Busic, the judge stated on the record that Mr. Busic “is not a terrorist nor a criminal”. His actions, though misguided, were motivated by noble ideals. On that occasion, the judge stated that the injury to other persons was completely unintentional. He requested that Busic be released on parole after serving a ten-year sentence.

The pressures of Yugoslav diplomacy were visible at the trial when District Judge John Bartels in New York sentenced Zvonko and Julienne Busic to life imprisonment. Also, multi-year prison terms for the rest of the group.

According to the statements of White House employees at the time, the Yugoslav government exerted strong and successful pressure on the US Department of State to deal harshly with Zvonko Busic and his group.

Nonetheless, the wife of the deceased policeman believed that the truth was different. She initiated legal proceedings against the relevant police authorities. All this because of the great negligence they showed, and she condemned their willingness to shift all the blame to Busic, while portraying her husband as a victim of “terrorists”.

Ever since the declaration of independence in 1991, the Republic of Croatia, with the plebiscite support of the Croatian people, had been trying to obtain the release of its most famous freedom-fighter and transfer him to his homeland. Our country, Croaia, met all the legal requirements that the American side requested, but the transfer of Busic to Croatia did not happen.

After a series of pressures from the Croatian authorities and protests by the Croatian public in front of the American embassy, at the session of December 13, 2002, the Croatian Parliament adopted a Resolution on the transfer of Zvonko Busic to Croatia, which was then submitted to the Council of Europe.

Zvonko Busic returned to Croatia on July 24, 2008, and was welcomed at Zagreb Airport as a hero and freedom-fighter. Busic was welcomed at the airport by politicians Drazen Budisa and Anto Kovacevic, singer Marko Perkovic Thompson and several hundred citizens. A few days later, Busic was given a big welcome in Imotski and his native Gorica in neighbouring Herzegovina.

Since his return to Croatia, he lived in the village of Rovanjska, in the municipality of Jasenice.

On September 1, 2013, Busic committed suicide by shooting himself with a gun. He left two farewell letters to the Croatian people, whom he loved from the deepest depths of his noble and strong Herzegovinian heart. In them, he states that “he could no longer live in Plato’s cave” and that “it was easier for him to dream of a free Croatia than to endure the Croatian reality”.

“For those who fell in the fight for the homeland, never say that they are dead. They are heroes and they will always be alive for us. In the future, when you enjoy the blessings and beauty of the Croatian homeland and freedom, few will remember how much sweat, tears and blood was shed for your freedom. So …, stop, remember, and say a short prayer for those good patriots who suffered and died so that Croatia would live. My personal fate was such that I had to experience the realisation of my dreams of freedom in prison. Goodbye friends ,.. take care of our homeland Croatia” – says the inscription on the tombstone of the giant of the Croatian struggle for freedom, Zvonko Busic.

Zvonko and Julienne Busic/ Photo: Facebook

Zvonka was adorned with immense love for his country and his people, who moaned in pain under the Great Serbian and communist boot in Yugoslavia. It was this ideal, this faith, this hope Zvonko carried inside of him that attracted the heart of the young American Julienne Schultz.

From that affection was born an incredible and unique story about the love of a husband and wife and love for the homeland and the people.

To frequent questions about how, as an American, she was so involved in freedom and the fight for Croatia, she would answer: “Loving my husband, I loved everything he loved.” Zvonko Busic loved Croatia immeasurably, and Julienne also grew to love Croatia as her homeland.

Julienne Busic faithfully waited for the love of her life, an idealist and hero of the Croatian struggle for freedom from the communist dictatorship, for 32 long years.

Recognition and Justice Still Missing For Courageous Freedom Fighting During Cold War Era – Double Standards In Treating Freedom Fighters Prevail As Seen Through World’s Characterisation of Croatia’s Zvonko Busic and South Africa’s Nelson Mandela’s Activism

Zvonko Busic/ Photo: Facebook, Ivica Ursić

Friday 1st September 2023 marked the tenth anniversary of Zvonko Busic’s death in Croatia. It can be said with certainty that watching former communists of Yugoslavia or their indoctrinated offspring creep into and take over the government of independent Croatia that fought fiercely and lost lives for its independence from communist Yugoslavia he took his own life in despair. Certainly, Zvonko Busic dedicated his whole adult life to freedom of Croatia from communism and Yugoslavia, for freedom, democracy, and human rights. Charged with air piracy, kidnapping, second degree murder, convicted by Brooklyn court, New York, in 1977 of hijacking a plane and planting explosives that, through members of New York Police Department’s reportedly reckless disregard for Busic’s instructions as to how to safely defuse the explosives, killed one policeman (Brian Murray) and injured three others, he served 32 years in an American prison and paroled in 2008 for good behaviour whence he returned to Croatia. Freedom fight activities and events in which he participated or led and was convicted of and sentenced for were all political activist pursuits for freedom of Croatia from communist oppression during the Cold War years were practically the only activities bar military coups that spoke the loudest towards achieving changes to governments. Certainly, there was no internet or social media to spread the message widely as post-Cold War years have brought.

Zvonko Busic and his colleagues formed a remarkable group of men (Zvonko Busic, Frane Pesut, Petar Matanic and Mark Vlasic; the latter three released from prison served for related convictions in 1988) and one woman (Julienne Eden Busic, Zvonko Busic’s American spouse, released from prison for related convictions in 1989) who championed the fight for Croatian independence (from communist Yugoslavia) on the international stage during the Cold War era when freedom activism often had to resort to bold actions that would attract the world’s attention. Hence, on September 10, 1976, Zvonko Busic and his group hijacked TWA Flight 355 flying from New York to Chicago with about 80 passengers and crew members on board. According to Busic’s group’s publicised by the media statements at the time they wanted to draw attention to Croatia’s bid for independence from communist-led Yugoslavia. Soon after the plane took off from New York’s La Guardia Airport, Zvonko Busic sent word to the pilot that he had planted bombs aboard the plane and another in a locker at New York’s Grand Central railway station. Zvonko Busic also provided instructions as to how that bomb must be defused to avoid explosion, but New York Police Officer Brian J. Murray, disregarded those instructions and, sadly, was killed and three others were seriously injured as they tried to defuse the device from the locker, which they had taken to a demolition range in the Bronx. The hijackers also said another bomb would go off “somewhere in the United States” unless a statement (they prepared) about Croatian independence was published and appeared on front pages and prominently in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, The Chicago Tribune and The International Herald Tribune.

The hijackers instructed the pilots of the Boeing 727 to fly to Montreal, then London and Paris. At one refuelling stop in Gander, Newfoundland, they released 35 passengers that were by then deemed hostages. The plane eventually landed at Charles de Gaulle Airport outside Paris, where authorities slashed the jet’s tyres. When the hijackers confirmed that their statements had been printed by the newspapers, they surrendered.

“I did not do this act out of adventuristic or terroristic impulses,” Zvonko Busic told the court in New York before receiving his sentence. “It was simply the scream of a disenfranchised and persecuted man. If I had ever imagined that anyone could have been hurt,” he added, “I would never, even if it had cost me anonymous death at Yugoslav hands, embarked on that flight.”

From left to right: Zvonko Busic, Marko Vlasic, Petar Matanic, Frane Pesut and Julienne Busic after arrest at Paris Airport. There are detectives behind them. Photo: The New York Times, September 13, 1976. | Photo: New York Times/archive

Every time many ponder upon or remember Zvonko Busic and his fellow activists for freedom of Croatia from brutal and oppressive communist Yugoslavia regime and how their courageous activities for Croatian freedom on the world’s scene in essence contributed to the eventual international recognition of Croatian independence in late 1991/1992 they cannot but taste the bitter injustice served upon their heroism by the very country for whose freedom they fought and by the world. That is undoubtedly, in my mind, because Croatian hard-won freedom from communism has gradually been marred by continued and persistent communist activism. One cannot but compare Zvonko Busic’s activities for freedom from communism to those of Nelson Mandela, for instance, for freedom from white rule in South Africa during 1960’s and conclude that it was Mandela’s and not Busic’s actions that were truly terrorist – Mandela’s eventually resulted in thousands of deaths. Mandela had strong ties to communism, an ideology responsible for more death and destruction over the last century than any other political movement; over 100 million murdered in fact. One cannot but wonder in distress whether Mandela’s association with communist ideology secured him a hero’s welcome on the world stage upon his release from prison to which he was sentenced for grave terrorist activities in South Africa and Busic’s absolute rejection and disdain for communism made him virtually “a marked man” for life and his actions stamped with terrorism even if they were merely brave freedom pursuits with no intended casualties and only one accidental.  In December 2013, at the time of his death, the world honoured Nelson Mandela as one of the greatest heroes of our time. US President Barrack Obama even called him “the last great liberator of the 20th century!” Yet amidst all of this praise for a man who helped bring down the white government in South Africa, almost nobody mentioned his activities before becoming South Africa’s post-apartheid president in 1994.

Nelson Mandela headed up a truly terrorist organisation during 1960’s that was responsible for thousands of deaths. In 1961, Mandela was the founder of Umkhonto we Siswe (”Spear of the People”), ANC’s (African National Congress) terrorist arm, and never during all the time he was in prison did he condemn that organisation’s acts of indiscriminate terrorism against civilians.

Catapulted, undoubtedly by the left political plethora of lobbyists, onto the world’s platform from the dungeons of dangerous terrorists as a hero of freedom fighting throughout his life, Mandela nevertheless had a habit of saying that he was “not a saint,” as TIME Magazine noted in his 2013 obituary. Perhaps more surprisingly from today’s perspective, many people around the world felt the same way. In fact, Mandela remained on U.S. terrorist watch lists until 2008.

Decades had passed since “violence” was a means to an end during the Cold War years, the end being freedom from oppression and cruelty of governments or regimes and the “free world” became increasingly attuned to the injustice being perpetrated in South Africa and yet the case is not the same for the injustice perpetrated against Croats by communist Yugoslavia. The Croatian history about freedom from communist regime of Yugoslavia and the many freedom fighters it has seen during the Cold War years in particular, must address the courage of those such as Zvonko Busic and his collaborators for freedom and democracy (whose freedom-fighting activities continue as subjects for many world’s leading mainstream media outlets), otherwise there will be no political reconciliation for true justice anywhere in the world – double standards will continue poisoning the righteousness of self-determination of a nation for freedom from fear and oppression. Ina Vukic

September 1976 Hijacking of TWA Plane – A Detailed Reconstruction of the Evening in Which the Whole World Learned About Croatia’s Suffering Under Communist Yugoslavia

From left to right: Zvonko Busic, Marko Vlasic, Petar Matanic, Frane Pesut and Julienne Busic after arrest at Paris Airport. There are detectives behind them. Photo: The New York Times, September 13, 1976. | Photo: New York Times/archive

Zvonko Busic believed that good things should be shared with everyone. What he lived, worked for and believed in, what he sacrificed for, is presented in his book “All Visible Things”, which is available on Amazon. From now on, we are happy to inform you, you will be able to have access to this part of Croatian history every other Wednesday and print it out free of charge, in Croatian and English, on the dijaspora.hr portal. Chapter by chapter, drop of blood by drop of blood, and life day by day in 33 parts – with only one goal! He will live on…

“The Hijacking

After the decision was made, I immediately began preparations. I started studying necessary materials, locating appropriate collaborators, and planned a meeting with Bruno to discuss the Declaration I intended to have printed in newspapers and thrown from the plane. The main handbook for making the bomb was the then popular ‘Anarchist’s Cookbook’. Julie was later accused of having torn pages out of this book in the library, which really upset and angered her, since she comes from a family of book lovers who would consider that an unforgivable sacrilege. She firmly insisted that all she did was photocopy the pages, not tear them out, although it was a totally insignificant point in the trial.

I studied airplanes as well. The plane, I believed, had to be appropriate for what I intended. The choice fell on the Boeing 727. The traditional characteristics one looks for in a plane – speed, size, type, and power of the motor – were not the most critical. What was important was that the plane had double doors, so that the first door could be opened from the inside of the plane, then closed, and then the second door opened, so that the well-known suction phenomenon could not occur, drawing everything and everyone out of the plane. This double-door element was used by the famous American robber and blackmailer, D. B. Cooper. After he got the money and released the passengers, he ordered the crew to take off and wait for further instructions. He also said nobody was allowed to leave the cabin without his permission, and he would kill the first one who dared. After they waited quite a while for instructions about where to fly, one of the stewardesses took a risk and entered the passenger seating area. But it was totally empty, although the doors and windows were firmly closed. It turns out Cooper had used the advantage of the double doors. He went into the middle door space, then closed the first door, opened the second and parachuted out. With the money! He was never caught.

I was not interested in money, but the double doors seemed ideal to me for throwing leaflets. That is why I chose the Boeing 727. I was fortunate enough to meet a stewardess who had been on that flight with D. B. Cooper. She told me in great detail how the entire action unfolded, never suspecting the source of my interest for Cooper and the Boeing 727. The first blow to my plan took place when I learned from the pilot, after I had taken control of our plane, that after the Cooper events, the doors were altered on that type of plane. Leaflets could no longer be thrown from the plane. What’s more, because of the possible danger that the leaflets could be sucked into the motor, they could not be thrown in any other way, either. So, we had to put a second plane in the air in Montreal. From there we then headed for Europe.

I did need a certain amount of money for the action I had planned. This was fairly simple; a close friend gave me 10,000 dollars without my having to explain any details about the action. He had complete trust in me, and I felt information should be given out sparingly even to the participants in the action. It was enough for them to know the basic plan; the details were known only to me. Julie knew the most, but even she did not know there was a real bomb in the locker of the train station. Frane Pesut, one of the participants, said he was ready to help Croatia in any way without knowing the details. Slobodan Vlasic also knew about the action in greater detail, but did not know the explosive was fake. He was the most knowledgeable in assembling explosives, so I gave him the task of assembling all the different parts of the alleged ‘bomb’ in the plane’s bathroom, which he did, thinking it was real. Frane’s finger even turned blue from holding the switch for thirty-two hours!

Why did I not tell them everything? First, I knew we were all going to prison, since we planned to surrender after the media printed the leaflets and threw them over certain cities. This surrender was supposed to be one of the key elements of the action. After our surrender and after the passengers had spoken, we hoped, given the humaneness of our behavior toward them, that the whole world would know of the dictatorship in Croatia and nobody would be able to say that we, fighters for Croatian freedom, acted like cold-blooded terrorists, although the hijacking itself was a drastic action. I thought my co-defendants would have an easier defense after the surrender and receive a lesser sentence the less they knew of my intentions. Second, I wanted to have the whole action under control. I was afraid that if there had been real explosives in the plane, some unforeseen circumstance could lead to an accident and harm innocent victims. This was out of the question! On the other hand, if it was known the explosives were not real, something could also go wrong. One of us could expose this through our behavior, get panicky or something. Third, why hide it? At that time, I was quite paranoid, like most political emigrants. The Yugoslav Secret Service harassed us, spied on us, killed us, infiltrated into our ranks. Therefore, a secret you haven’t shared with anyone remains yours alone and you are its master; otherwise, it controls you.

The preparations went according to plan. In the spring, Julie and I traveled to Europe to meet with Bruno. He accepted the task of writing The Call for Dignity and Freedom. Julie hoped that Bruno, who was older and more mature, would maybe talk me out of the action. Of course, that did not happen. We spent most of our time at the Boden Lake. Julie had even gone to Herzegovina. It presented a certain risk, but she as an American could afford it. That June in 1976 was the last time I saw Bruno. They murdered him two years later when I was already in prison serving a life sentence.

Julie typed the leaflet text on a friend’s typewriter, Marijan Gabelica. I knew the police would investigate this so I did not attempt to hide this fact. It is true that Gabelica was the best defense. Before launching the action, we stopped at his place and returned the typewriter. When the police questioned me, I told them whose typewriter it had been. Gabelica really had no idea why I needed the typewriter. And since he didn’t know, they were unable to charge him with anything.

We bought the pots in a market and wrapped them up as gifts before going to the airport. We said we were going to a friend’s wedding. The metal detectors could not detect the clay, and even if they had found it in a baggage search, they would not have suspected anything. It might have seemed bizarre that I was carrying clay with me, but they would not have considered it a dangerous substance. Regardless of all my security measures, I still was unsure whether I was being followed or under suspicion, so I spent the day and night before the action bar hopping so I’d be seen ‘drinking’, and finally went to bed at dawn. Just in case I was being followed, I was sure nobody in his right mind would think that I could have performed such an action as a hijacking after such a ‘wild’ night.

The whole action was based upon a very nuanced psychological exercise. For more than thirty hours we were in absolute control of the situation in the plane, as well as holding several governments at bay, throwing leaflets, and dictating the printing of the leaflets in leading world media while flying over two continents – all without so much as a nail file in our pockets. If the fatal case with Officer Murray had not occurred, it would have been the most successful and unblemished hijacking in history. As it was, it left within me and the others a bitter taste, a deep regret and remorse that will follow us all our days.

Well-intentioned people have often asked me why I had to leave explosives in the locker at the train station. It seemed to them a senseless and unnecessary addition to a well thought-out plan. But this is not so. The explosives in the locker were every bit as important a part of the plan as the clay in the pots. It was intended to give credibility to my negotiations with the American authorities, the agents, and the police. The pots we carried with us were identical to the pot left in the locker, except that in ours there was clay, and in the other real explosives. Without this bomb, someone might believe we were bluffing. Besides that, it was my intention in the beginning to present ourselves as dangerous terrorists not to be fooled with, because that was the only way our demands would be met. Therefore, the bomb was an important element in the overall plan.

However, it is difficult to live with the knowledge that an innocent person died as a collateral victim of an idealistic action, for which he had no idea or interest. The issue of accidental, innocent victims is one that is always considered when an action with dangerous elements is undertaken. And I gave the most thought of all in my planning to this aspect of the action. That is why, after all, the hijacking took place without using any weapons whatsoever. But a tragedy happened where it was least expected, where there was not, it seemed, even a theoretical chance that things would go wrong.

I have already written about how I am almost positive that certain agencies were involved in the death of Officer Murray. The hijacking surprised both Americans and the Yugoslav Secret Police, and it would be difficult to prove that there was some kind of agreement between the two to compromise the action. But I am convinced there was. I claim this not to free myself from guilt. Guilt is above all a moral category. I have absolved the legal, judicial aspect of guilt through my 32 year-long imprisonment that I served longer than countless murderers, rapists, and career criminals. The moral aspect of my guilt is left to my own conscience and to the Almighty, regardless of whether Murray’s death was caused by the negligence of those who detonated the bomb, or a diversion by certain intelligence agencies. I placed the explosives in the locker and I carry guilt for the death they caused, regardless of what happened after their removal to the detonation site four hours later.

So, I am not trying to absolve myself from guilt by means of some later reconstruction, but I truly believe that there was involvement by people who wanted at all costs to compromise the entire action. There seemed to be considerable concern and uneasiness among the American agencies as well. Several New York Times articles (September 12 and 14, 1976), only days after the hijacking, wrote of the ‘painstaking evaluations’ undertaken by the head of the bomb section in the wake of the ‘first such fatality in 37 years’. The department head acknowledged that “none of these experts wore protective gear when they approached the device… as they were required to under police regulations”, including Officer Murray, who was described as ‘a gung ho cop who was one of the first to take on a dangerous task’. However, ‘the cause of the explosion eluded them,’ but not the answer to the question of why the officers were not wearing required protective gear. ‘What clearly perplexed the bomb squad… was why the device failed to respond to impulses generated by the remote control mechanism that the police normally use to detonate explosives in the demolition pit.’ One theory the police pursued, according to the NYT article, ‘was that the remote control gadget did activate the bomb several minutes after it was supposed to, just as officer Murray and the others approached the device.’ This would be the exact scenario I had discussed with Ames: the frequency of the remote control device was overridden and disabled, and at the very moment the officers were bending over the bomb, all without protective gear, another ‘player’ with a different game plan activated the device. My discussions with Ames gave me even more concrete knowledge of the probability and logic of my conclusions. Of course I deeply mourn the death of the innocent police officer, but I’ve thought seriously and often about the entire case, and it always seemed to me that there was a dark shadow of the Yugoslav Secret Police, UDBA, hanging over it.

(Editor note: Two years after this book was first published in Croatia, an American intelligence expert and former NSA analyst, John Schindler, released the first well-documented and credible expose of the long-term UDBA-FBI connections and their collaboration in the United States and elsewhere (The Observer, January 4, 2016). This confirmed the possibility, even probability, that the explosion at the Bronx detonation site in our case could well have been sabotage:

Why Hasn’t Washington Explained the 1975 LaGuardia Airport Bombing?

http://studiacroatica.blogspot.hr/2010/02/dr-john-r-schindler-agents-provocateurs.html)

During the hijacking, I spent most of the time in the pilot’s cabin. Julie and Matanic communicated most with the passengers. Pesut and Vlasic represented a kind of understated threat; at least, that was how we intended the passengers view them. When I learned from the pilot that leaflets could not be thrown from the plane we were in, the situation became more complicated, but I did not despair. In fact, the entire time I had the feeling I was keeping the situation under perfect control. I knew the police had confirmed the explosives in the locker were genuine so I was not concerned that someone would get the idea we had hijacked the plane totally unarmed. Actually, in dangerous actions, this is usually the case – when the plan is made, the decision reached, and the action launched, one simply functions according to plan.

Then the shock came in Paris, when we got the news that a police officer had died. At first, I did not want to believe it; I thought the intelligence services had printed a special, false edition of the New York Times in order to destroy our morale. I sent Julie from the plane to call certain phone numbers and confirm the truth of this news. When I learned it was really true, it was clear to me that the action was over. There would be no further throwing of leaflets over Zagreb and Solin, where at that time the 1300-year anniversary of Christianity in Croatia was being celebrated. When I had been planning the hijacking, among several symbolic dates I had decided on this one. The knowledge that an innocent person had become a victim and a human life lost led to our immediate surrender. It was probably the most difficult day in my life, and I have had thousands of extremely difficult days. The intensity of feelings I experienced in just one day was immeasurable. From the belief of having a situation under perfect control, that I was doing something significant for the ideals I had fought for my entire life, and then to extreme desolation that things had taken such an utterly unexpected turn.

I did not completely despair, though, because what was begun had to be brought to an end. The surrender took place in an orderly fashion and without panic. First the passengers exited, along with my colleagues. The pilot and I remained until the end. Although the police ordered the pilot to come out before I did, he refused to do so, suspecting the Special Forces would shoot me. He insisted we leave together; he even put his arm around my shoulder so that, if that had been their intention, they would not be able to shoot me without endangering his life as well.

Then he gave the journalists gathered around the plane this widely reported statement: ‘This drama is over for the crew and travelers, but for Taik and his comrades it has only just begun.’ Many years later, I was flying from Split to Zagreb. As I passed the pilot in the aisle, he recognized me and asked with a wry smile, ‘So where are we flying today, Mr. Busic?’ The sincere humor in the voice of this man reminded me of the captain of the hijacked plane. I would say I am one of the few hijackers who has only had good experiences with pilots. Zvonko Bušić”

(Republished by Ina Vukic with permission)

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