“Handbook for Croatian Politics”

With regards to his latest book “Handbook for Croatian Politics” (Priručnik za Hrvatsku Politiku) Croatia’s world-renowned academic, professor emeritus Matko Marusic from the city of Split said: “I am very interested in politics because I believe that it has a significant impact on our lives, perhaps most on the lives of those who say: ‘I am not interested in politics’. But I have noticed that people talk a lot about politics, most of the time fiercely and with conviction, without knowing the basic facts that lie behind the topic they are talking about. So, I got tired of saying: ‘But you forgot this…’, ‘You didn’t take into account that…’, ‘Don’t you know that…’ so I decided to write a handbook of basic knowledge that one should have in order to engage in political discussions. I don’t know if the ‘Handbook’ will fulfill the function I intended for it, but I don’t know better than that. However, I was the first one to find the book useful because I learned a lot while putting it together.”

Prof. dr. Matko Marusic published this new book late last year and it represents to the view of many, including myself, a very significant piece of work that spans over 600 pages. It is a book that is easy to read despite its large size. The reader will find a great deal of useful information in this book. With all this and more the book is sold online by Knjižara Ljevak for 32 euro, which is a most reasonable and considerate price given the wealth of knowledge it brings to the reader. Given that new parliamentary elections in Croatia have just been announced, to held late April to mid-May 2024 (date to be announced by Croatia’s President in the coming couple of weeks), introducing here the content of this book will hopefully motivate many voters to vote on election day. The voter turnout at elections in Croatia has been quite poor for the past two decades and therefore, whichever government or whatever seat in parliament is thus filled are not convincingly representing most people. Minority governments have been a trend because of that and this needs to change.

It is a fact that Croatia has been under a constant political crisis during the past couple of decades particularly laced with overwhelming scandals of corruption and nepotism. It appeared as if voting at elections made no difference, that situation will not improve for the better. Hence, many failed to vote at elections, forgetting that voting at elections does and can move mountains for the people and bring change. Croatians need only to remember the Independence Referendum of May 1991 in which almost 94% of eligible voters to secede from communist Yugoslavia.

This handbook has 24 chapters divided into four categories: “Croatian political history”, “Croatian neighbours”, “Independent Republic of Croatia” and “What should we do, then?”. The extensive index contains about 1000 terms at the end and is divided into five parts: 1. Battles, wars, rebellions, and revolutions, 2. Documents, 3. Names, 4. Organisations, movements, bodies, and military units and 5. Crimes. This makes it easier to search for information. In addition, the text refers the reader to the pages that should be viewed when reading a particular topic. This book is a major piece of work by anyone’s standards, interesting and useful, and offers a huge number of unknown or relatively unknown data as well as those that have been forgotten or distorted, all of which are very important for Croatian history, politics, sociology, and economy.

For example, on Croatian political history the reader comes across interesting, little-known or perhaps forgotten facts or data such as:

  • Unlike most medieval states and although it did not have full independence, Croatia was governed from 1273 to 1918 by the Croatian Parliament.
  • Dalmatia was handed over to Italy by the Yugoslav (Serbian) government in the Treaty of Rapala in 1920, and Ante Pavelic had to confirm it in the Treaty of Rome in 1941.
  • Punisa Racic, who in 1928, during the session of the National Assembly in Belgrade, killed Stjepan and Pavle Radic and Đura Basaricek, and seriously wounded Ivan Granđa and Dr. Ivan Pernar, was sentenced to prison, which he served in a hotel, with his own servants.
  • Jewish municipalities, at least partially, operated in the territory of the NDH (World War Two Independent State of Croatia), and the Jewish Municipality in Zagreb operated until the very end of the war and its archive material has been preserved. The Croatian people massively and intensively protected the Jews. Miroslav Salom Freiberger, the Zagreb treasurer, was a great friend of Cardinal Alojzij Stepinac; they worked together to save the Jews and both refused to leave their peoples and go to safety, and both perished.
  • In 1943, the Zagreb football clubs organised a “user” competition, from which all proceeds went to Hajduk from Split.
  • Tito personally ordered the killing of the Croats at Bleiburg.
  • When the Croatian Spring of 1971/72 was broken. More than two thousand Croats were arrested and sentenced, and more than 100,000 people were thrown out of their jobs, dismissed, removed, or socially degraded. As many as 50 journalists were sentenced to prison terms, and 172 journalists and publicists were “blacklisted”. Matica Hrvatska (non-government organisation promoting Croatian national and cultural identity since 1842) was shut down and its work was banned, and many of its members were imprisoned.
  • Communist Yugoslavia declared bankruptcy in 1982.

In the part of the book that deals with the destruction of the Croatian State from within, Marušić talks, among other things, about “de-Tudjmanisation”, which aimed to criminalise the Homeland War and through fabricated and false accusations of war crimes against leading Croatian generals at the international criminal court in The Hague, and about public promotion incidents aimed at stigmatisation of Croats as Ustashas and criminals. That part of the book also talks about Yugoslavianism, UDBA, persistent Greater Serbia policy, attacks on Croatian education, unfavorable portrayals of the state of affairs in the country, and more. That chapter is extensive because it refutes the views of the main attackers of the Croatian State.

As part of this book the author has also delved into a SWOT analysis of Croatia in which he sees the following elements to weigh up in the analysis:

  • Croatian STRENGTHS are: belonging to the West; patriotism; faith; geopolitical position and beauty of the country.
  • WEAKNESSES: mentality of socialist idleness and weak work ethic; corruption; slow recovery of higher education; fragile economy; demography; internal social discord.
  • OPPORTUNITIES: preserved environment; EU and NATO membership; and international reputation and cooperation (which Croatia has never had before).
  • THREATS: Croatia should and can solve internal problems on its own, and the EU is helping it a lot.

An down-to-earth perspective on politics, political history, political intrigues and indicdents that shape a nation indeed; it’s today and tomorrow.  

However, the true and tested reality remains and that is that Croatia cannot address effectively its internal and external threats without the massive help from its voters at elections. In reality, the EU is a cauldron of multitudes of differing political sides and pulls which can either be a threat or a benefit to a single member country like Croatia and I believe that Croatian voters are the single most important force that can make Croatia better for all, not just some.

Hence, I hope Croatian voters in particular will arm themselves with this book, or sections of it, or even with the very idea of doing their utmost in making sure their vote counts and head to the polling stations on election day 2024. Ina Vukic

Call MM when you want to smear Croatia 2

The first article titled “Call MM when you want to smear Croatia” was published here on 18 March 2023 and this is the second instalment on concerning matters connected to Michael Martens (MM) as correspondent of the “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung” (FAZ) newspaper for Southeast Europe.

Written by Dr. Josip Stjepandic

Translated into English by Ina Vukic

The position of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina is truly intolerable. Almost all of them were expelled from Republika Srpska under Serbian domination in the 1990s. Returnees are threatened and sometimes killed by numerous Serbian extremists, as shown by the recent case in Derventa . In the other half of the country (Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina), they are – although equal according to the constitution – under enormous political pressure from the Bosniaks (Muslims), who want to do in peacetime what the Serbs succeeded in the war: subjugate and ultimately displace the Croats. On top of that, there are the so-called representatives of the international community, who mostly behave as Muslim, Bosniak, lobbyists. The Austrians Wolfgang Petritsch and Valentin Inzko are remembered as bad because, as high representatives, they significantly reduced the political rights of Croats. As icing on the bitter cake, there are journalists like Michael Martens who always manage to write unfavourable things about Croats without talking to them first.  

In his article “Power play over gas pipelines: Where does gas still come from Russia” (FAZ, February 28, 2024 Michael Martens describes how Bosnia and Herzegovina could become independent of Russian gas by building an additional gas pipeline. However, this is (he claims) hindered by the “evil Herzegovinian Croats” led by Dragan Covic, supported by the Prime Minister of Croatia, Andrej Plenkovic.

First of all, the author does not ask why such a fierce campaign is being led for the so-called “southern interconnection”. Ten years could pass before this pipeline is built and by then the Russian aggression against Ukraine could be over, so the best gas supplier would be decided upon based on the changed situation and other criteria anyway. The estimated annual turnover of 80 million euros for each large supplier is of minor importance.

Map of Bosnia and Herzegovina with planned gas pipeline in red/ Photo: Screenshot FAZ

Judging by the graphic (map) placed as part of his article (see Screenshot image above), which shows a diagram of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it seems that the author most likely did not understand the real problem at all. According to the diagram, the gas pipeline in question, about 130 km long, runs from the Croatian border to Travnik in central Bosnia and Herzegovina, mainly through Bosnia. An uninformed reader of Martens’ article could conclude that Croats from Herzegovina are meddling in matters that do not concern them at all. Why are they angry and want to run their business through a newly founded operating company in Mostar when the gas pipeline does not pass through their area? The author ignores the fact that the gas pipeline passes exclusively through areas inhabited by a majority Croatian population, such as Zavrsje (Tropolje), which is not part of Bosnia or Herzegovina. Therefore, it is a legitimate right to co-manage an important economic asset. Had he asked the Croats the author would have found this out.

Such an economic policy has its roots and tradition since 1918. Austria-Hungary was the last power to invest in the majority Croatian area. The narrow-gauge railway, which once provided modest mobility and transport, was discontinued without replacement in communist Yugoslavia. There are no highways, no major factories, no power plants, no major hospitals, and no universities in Croatian regions – after all, according to the opinion of a “well-connected interlocutor in Sarajevo” (evidently of Bosniak nationality), Croats should also lose the right to defend themselves against injustice!?

In Sarajevo, there is a gas distribution company called BH Gas, which is responsible for supplying the central region of Bosnia and Herzegovina with Russian gas. However, the company is in serious financial problems because it is threatened with an additional payment in the arbitration procedure in the amount higher than the half-yearly turnover. The special feature of BH Gas is its management structure. Along with Serb Mihajlo Krmotic, there are 9 Bosniaks and no Croats. This is equality Sarajevo style!

The author, as well as a powerful transatlantic partner, dispute that a new operating company should be established for the planned part of the gas pipeline, which should be completed in ten years. However, apart from BH Gas, there are two more gas pipeline companies in the Serbian Republic: Gas Promet from Pale and Sarajevo-Gas from East Sarajevo, which are responsible for 19 and 40 km of the gas pipeline, respectively. Everything is laid out and can be read in the last available BH Gas annual report for 2021, which is available online under the title “Annual report for 2017”! Logical conclusion from this would lead one to conclude: All (constitutional) nationalities can manage the gas business in Bosnia and Herzegovina except Croats.

Besides this, this is a long-term project of alternative gas supply for the central area of Bosnia and Herzegovina through a pipeline that has two sections; one around Sarajevo which is inhabited predominantly by Bosniaks, and then towards Mostar, (which has yet to be built), which is inhabited by approximately half Croats and half Bosniaks. Does anyone serious in Washington, Berlin, Brussels really consider it appropriate to build such a capital project on antagonism and even hostility towards Croats from day one? What kind of reaction is expected from the Croats, if they are thrown out of the game from day one? Not to mention the mutual trust and unity of the three peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina that is only held together by external pressure.

In Germany and the USA, the gas market is highly decentralised. Gas business in Germany traditionally takes place in the Ruhr region – far from the capital of Berlin. The situation is similar in Washington. Why then does everything in the multi-ethnic state of Bosnia and Herzegovina have to be strictly centralised under the leadership of the Bosniaks, who have proven in the last 30 years that they cannot move the country forward? Isn’t it time to put parts of the economy in the hands of the Croats, who, through private initiative, economically developed their areas better than the politically dominant Bosniaks and Serbs? The gas infrastructure is quite widespread in Croatia, so there are many experienced experts who would probably be ready to take on a responsible position in Mostar. No Croat, who has an existential alternative, would voluntarily go to Sarajevo today, where there is a daily media hunt against Croats.

What a failed energy policy looks like is shown by numerous wind turbines in Croatian areas that were installed by Chinese investors, are managed by Sarajevo companies, but are otherwise idle because there is no connection to the grid!

If the wealth attributed to Dragan Covic is real, then he is surely and deeply, corrupt. Unfortunately, this is no different to what is found among politicians of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina. But what can we say about the Bosniak oligarchy in Sarajevo, where, for example, a fake university diploma is enough to make a career as a head of gynaecology and a university professor, like Sebija Izetbegovic, the wife of the most powerful Bosniak politician Bakir, who was dismissed in the meantime?

Covic should certainly be faulted for tolerating the doctoring of BH Gas’s balance sheet and for not putting in motion bankruptcy proceedings yet. Then at least the financial situation would be clear, and some accusations removed.

And finally: If all Croatian politicians in Bosnia and Herzegovina were corrupt, is this a reason for denying Croats all management rights in state-owned companies?

Michael Martens is an experienced journalist who appears to know his job well, and FAZ was the most respected newspaper in Germany. Their inappropriate actions should therefore be viewed very critically because they write about Croats using what they hear from unnamed sources in Belgrade and Sarajevo. Unfortunately, it looks like they’re returning to the slogan: “Call M.M. when you want to smear Croatia” .

Dr. Josip Stjepandic, President, Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in the Diaspora and Homeland

Saving Of Jews By Ordinary Citizens Within World War Two Croatia – A New Academic Paper

Several studies have been exploring efforts to help and rescue Jews across occupied Europe during World War II and I have been writing about that in my articles from time to time since 2011. The topic of rescuing Jews in the World War Two Independent State of Croatia/NDH is, however, a relatively new one and we have been as a nation very fortunate that Dr Esther Gitman had for the past two decades researched and addressed that topic very comprehensively.

During the past fortnight a new research-based overview Academic Paper of efforts in the rescue of Jews on the territory of Independent State of Croatia by Andrijana Perkovic Palosa and Marin Pelaic has been published under the title “Individual attempts to help Jews in Independent State of Croatia (NDH): petition letters by ordinary Croats” by Routlege (Taylor and Francis Group) within their realm of Holocaust Studies. This very engaging and compelling paper may be accessed via this link.

We discover in this paper that besides the Catholic Church representatives such as Archbishop of Zagreb, Blessed Alojzije Stepinac and a number of associations or civil groups even “Ordinary Croats often requested to exempt their Jewish spouses, friends, neighbors, colleagues, co-workers, and employers from wearing Jewish sign, to grant them ‘Aryan rights’ or to release them from concentration camps. In addition to that, distinguished people from cultural life of Croatia also pleaded for their Jewish colleagues to be released from camps due to their significant contribution to Croatian culture. (Esther) Gitman emphasized that during the first several months of the NDH (WWII Independent State of Croatia), these petitions and other efforts to save Jews ‘were daily occurrences.’ They were mostly addressed to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ustasha Police, Great Prefects that led the administrative units in NDH called Great Parishes [not to be confused with territorial entities in Christian denominations], Eugen (Dido) Kvaternik – head of the Ustasha Police – and (Ante) Pavelić himself…”

After the authors of this Academic Paper had reportedly examined the petitions devised to save Jews more thoroughly, they gradually noticed some patterns in their content, that is in the argumentation their senders used to persuade the authorities to exempt some Jews from wearing Jewish sign, to grant them ‘Aryan rights’ or to release them from camps. Hence, the authors categorized the documents in accordance with the arguments they contained. As the authors embarked upon categorisation of petitions, they write that they realised that most of the arguments emphasised human and professional qualities of those Jews on whose behalf the petitions had been written, which were in severe contrast to the antisemitic propaganda from two Zagreb’s most influential newspapers – Novi list and Hrvatski narod, that followed the propaganda template of Nazi occupation of Croatia.

With the wealth of material and documents the authors examined that are listed in the Notes and References section of their Paper, it is praiseworthy to see that an array of the documents was provided for their research by Dr Esther Gitman and that contribution is therein acknowledged.

The authors created six categories of petitions according to the arguments the petitioners and signatories used. Each of the arguments from the petitions directly stands in opposition to one or more of the antisemitic propaganda statements, as can be seen on the following Screenshot of Table 1 in the Academic Paper. The categories of petitions to save Jews by ordinary citizens identified are listed as follows, and each is comprehensively explained in the Paper and provides clear and detailed insight into the efforts to save Jews:

  • Category 1: Jews who contributed to Croatian economy.
  • Category 2: Jews who were good employers to Croatian girls and women who worked in their households.
  • Category 3: Jews who provided financial help to Croats/Jews who were in financial difficulties.
  • Category 4: Jews who were Croatian patriots.
  • Category 5: Jews who contributed to the Croatian culture.
  • Category 6: miscellaneous category (The last ‘miscellaneous’ category refers to those petitions containing a new argument or two or more above arguments that stand in opposition to several or all antisemitic propaganda statements).
Examples of antisemitic statements and petitioners for saving of Jews counter arguments

Reading this Academic Paper will add significantly to the historical knowledge about saving and rescuing Jews in World War Two Independent Croatia, which is an equally important topic as the tragic end thousands of Jews met during the times of sweeping exterminations based on racial laws. Ina Vukic

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